In "Learning to Fly Again," I described how the United States entered World War One three years behind in the air, and how it caught up. On October 19, 2026, the Pentagon issued a memo and Owen West, who leads Project Agincourt, subsequently laid out how the department will build an Autonomous Warfare Command. His memo deserves a close reading against the record of 1917.
The Pentagon Remembers 1928
West opens by recalling 1928 when Secretary of War Dwight Davis ordered the Army to test a unified mechanized force of tanks, armored trucks and motorized infantry. The Army soon disbanded that unified force and split mechanization among the existing branches as add-ons. It took the German blitzkrieg of 1940 to force the creation of the US Armored Force.
Agincourt aims to avoid repeating 1928. It will stand up a four-star Autonomous Warfare Command (AUTOWARCOM) by 1 October 2027. The command's commander will have the authority to "drive the largest institutional change since the interwar years." West states the goal plainly: "The goal is not a particular drone. It is a system built to adapt at scale."
Where The Memo Echoes 1917
On four points, the memo reads as if its authors had studied the American air effort of 1917–18.
Asking for evidence. In 1917, planners promised to darken the skies over Germany, and the causes of that ultimately failed promise ended up being the subject of the Hughes investigation. West writes that new systems "will not be declared ready on paper." Competitions, exercises and combat performance will decide which systems scale. Every auditable dollar must lower the cost per kill or the risk to the force. The memo will measure success by how long a fielded solution takes to solve an operational problem.
Learning at the edge. In 1917, the Bolling Mission went to the front and asked the people who flew and maintained the aircraft which types to build. Agincourt pairs companies directly with operational units and calls those units "incubators."
Valuing the operator. American pilots were trained in French and British schools and learned from the American veterans of the Lafayette Escadrille. West highlights "an unmatched NCO corps" as one of two American strengths.
Building an institution. NACA, founded in 1915, mattered more than any single aircraft of 1918. AUTOWARCOM aims to make adaptation itself the main product of a permanent command.
1917 Asks Three More Questions
Who will build at scale? The Liberty engine succeeded because Detroit could build a stable, standardized component by the thousands, and because Allied orders had already built American capacity.
The Agincourt memo says nothing about industrial capacity: A command that cuts systems quickly after each competition protects the taxpayer, but will suppliers build factories for a demand that can disappear the next quarter?
Where is the front? In 1917, the United States learned at the front of a war it had not yet joined. The Agincourt memo relies on competitions, exercises and combat performance, yet never mentions Ukraine, where combat performance is measured every day.
Whose designs will American forces use? Most aircraft the American Expeditionary Forces received in 1918 were superior French designs and necessity had overcome national pride. Will American forces adopt Ukrainian designs where those designs outperform domestic programs?
The Clock Is Running
West quotes the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Caine: "If not us, who? If not now, when?"
For investors, the questions are of a different nature. In 1917, Detroit built the Liberty engine, and the front left the DH-4 behind. In today’s context, the questions would be “Which companies build what every winner will need in this conflict and the next? And who pays to scale them while they wait for a buyer?”
In my next post, I will turn to what these questions mean for early-stage investors in defense, intelligence and aerospace.


